Excerpt #17

“Left but not woke” was how commentator David Frum once described Bernie Sanders. In his 2016 bid for the Democratic nomination, Sanders’s economic platform was decidedly ambitious and his rhetoric indisputably populist. In an era of small-government austerity and technocratic solution in, Bernie often sounded like a New Deal dinosaur, blissfully unaware that history had ended in the 1990s, or that Democrats had become a party of right-thinking college graduates rather than blue-collar workers. He offered a worker-centered economic agenda, without the alienating cultural aesthetic that dominates liberal media and the universities.

No one can deny Sanders’s influence on the future of the US left. His platform has upended the policy consensus on Capitol Hill, and his talking points are now regularly imitated by down-ballot candidates across the country.

Yet many of his most outspoken disciples fail to embody his unique appeal. Instead of the single-minded focus on working class issues, they often embrace the liberal culture war while peppering in some of Bernie’s popular programs.

[…]

Progressives and socialists are now pairing ambitious and urgently necessary proposals like Medicare for All with wildly unpopular and sometimes counterproductive policy positions. Further, progressives have embraced a racial used worldview that reduces whole populations to their skin color. “Woke” ideology has prevented many on the Left from grasping the possibility that a Mexican American may care more about health care than immigration, that a woman might be more motivated by economic promises that electing a first female president, or that Trump might be able to improve his vote share among working-class black voters.

Even the political style of the Left seems designed to turn away potential new recruits. Far from signaling a commitment to vital social causes, being “woke” has become synonymous with an embrace of niche cultural attitudes found only in higher educated urban districts and among Twitter users – 80 percent of whom are affluent millennials. The Sanders campaign attempted a break with the online consensus when it rejected the fringe term “Latinx” in its historically successful efforts to court Latino voters. And while Sanders failed to win over infrequent, rural, and small-town voters, he recognized how important it was craft a majoritarian message that could appeal to them.

Dustin Guastella, “Everyone Hates the Democrats” in Jacobin no. 40

Excerpt #16

What is the nature of the border between truth and lies? It is permeable and blurred because it is planted thick with runout, confabulation, misunderstandings and twisted tales. Truth can break the gates down, truth can howl in the street; unless truth is pleasing, personable and easy to like, she is condemned to stay whimpering at the back door.

Hilary Mantel, Bring Up The Bodies, page 159

Excerpt #15

The City of God is still a widely read classic. It is available in many languages and always in print. It deserves to be, and not only for its historical importance as a source of a main stream of ideas about every Christian’s need in every age to work out for him- or herself the relationship between the world of political present reality and the world to come. It is still a corrective for every reader. In a world in which the small beer of political gossip had all the enticement of a modern newspaper’s front page, Augustine proposed a larger agenda. He encourages people to think big, to look up, beyond the advantage of the present moment, and to form the habit of setting what they do in the context of eternity.

From G.R. Evans’ Introduction to Bettenson’s translation of St. Augustine’s City of God